November/December, Countdown. Chapter Five: Zhukov Drives Nazis Back; Togo Blocks Roosevelt's Message
On Saturday, December 6, Zhukov unleashed seven armies on the Nazi front and drove them backwards. Roosevelt sent Emperor Hirohito a last effort offer of peace but Minister Togo blocked its delivery.
This Episode: In the last week of November and the first week of December, Japan moved its forces into position for a war they would open on America, Britain, and Holland by attacking Pacific strongholds on December 7, 1941. Roosevelt, Churchill, and Wilhelmina observed these troop movements as good evidence of Japan’s intentions towards the Philippines, Singapore, and the Dutch East Indies. But there was deep skepticism about an attack on Pearl Harbor in Hawaii because of the 4,000 miles that an attacking force of dozens of ships would have to travel in secrecy to get there. Still, bizarre indications of just such an approaching force abounded as the days went on. Six aircraft carriers were lost to the American observers. They were certifiably somewhere in the vast Pacific but uncertainty as to where complicated defense plans into inadequacy.
This Chapter: Tojo sent a huge fleet of troopships south from Formosa into the South China Sea between Indochina and the Philippines. It traveled slowly and conspicuously, raising suspicions that it would await other action before firing a shot. Roosevelt, calling it “a taunt and a dare,'“ sent Hirohito a last ditch letter offering peace terms that Foreign Minister Togo blocked from the Emperor’s receipt with armed intervention. Stalin’s general Zhukov made history of a sort by forcing a retreat of Hitler’s army when he unleashed one hundred divisions of untested soldiers on the Nazi army that had arrived at Moscow’s gates. They were wearing boots made in St. Louis, wearing greatcoats made in London, and carrying rifles made in Massachusetts.
Contents of “November/December, 1941. Countdown.”
Sleepwalking
Nazis Struggle With Russian Winter
Deceptions, Interceptions, and Improvisations
To Defend or Not Against Long Odds
Zhukov Drives Nazis Back; Togo Blocks Roosevelt’s Message
Mystifying Messages
“This means war.”
Chapter Five: Zhukov Drives Nazis Back; Togo Blocks Roosevelt’s Message
Reading time: Seventeen minutes
On Friday, Foreign Minister Togo had on his desk the document from Secretary Hull entitled “Proposed Basis for Agreement between United States and Japan” and thought he would use his response to it as the formal declaration of an environment that would lead to hostilities. He would cable his response to Nomura and Kurusu with instructions to present it to Secretary Hull at precisely 1300 hours Sunday, Washington time, his best estimate as to when the first bombs would drop on Oahu.
That day, the First Air Fleet encountered storms and seas that rolled its ships to 40 degrees. They lost critical time and a refueling window that jeopardized the fleet’s escape after the attack. Nagumo told Genda and Fuchida there was no longer any point in consideration of a second strike, since the first one had become problematic.
*
Russian guerillas closed on Guderian’s rear and retook Tula. He told Kluge of his dilemma and was advised to use his rear guard to decimate the enemy as best he could but not concern himself with holding the ground itself. For two days, the main battle became a matter of miles, and then half-miles, until it came to a stalemate of yards. Something like a pause, or perhaps an exhalation, passed along the front as night fell on Friday, the 5th.
And then at dawn on Saturday, the 6th of December, Zhukov unleashed seven armies — one hundred divisions! — that were fresh and untested, many recently conscripted from factories and peasant huts. They wore greatcoats made in London and boots from St. Louis and carried weapons that had come to Archangel and Murmansk since Harriman and Beaverbrook had sat down with Stalin. Their existence was unknown and therefore unexpected by Hitler and by all the generals in the field who now saw them coming. Planes came first, then artillery, then tanks, infantry, and cavalry.
The Nazis retreated. Not far, but it was not merely a tactical retrenchment. They backed up.
On Saturday, at 8:00 a.m. London time, Ambassador Winant sent a cable to Washington marked “Triple Priority” and “Most Urgent.” It was directed “Personal and Secret to the President and Secretary” and read: “British Admiralty reports that at 3 a.m. London time this morning two parties seen off Cambodia Point, sailing slowly westward toward Kra 14 hours distant in time. First party 25 transports, 6 cruisers, 10 destroyers. Second party 10 transports, 2 cruisers, 10 destroyers. British feel pressed for time in relation to guaranteeing support [of] Thailand fearing Japan might force them to invite invasion on pretext [of] protection before British have opportunity to guarantee support.”
At 7:00 a.m. Washington time, Harry Hopkins was awakened by a uniformed guard who presented him with a copy of Winant’s cable and the comment, “The president asked this to be delivered to you.”
While he was reading it, over coffee and cigarettes, a phone call came from Brendan Bracken who said, “I know it’s rude to say I told you so, so let me just say this: I told you so. Stalin has driven Hitler back. Rasputitza uber alles!”
“Did you think we wouldn’t know if not for your call?”
“It was a chance I chose not to take. I’ve heard you’ve not been well. His Majesty’s Government aren’t comfortable with that. You are our esteemed Lord Root of the Matter and we require you at your best.”
Harry said, “I got your flowers. What’s with this war bulletin?”
“General Zhukov has driven the Nazis back along the front that was at Uncle Joe’s door.”
“That doesn’t happen every day with Hitler’s army.”
“Never before, in fact. Also, the Japanese are on the move in the South China Sea. We have a report that says a huge force is en route from French Indochina in the direction of the Malay peninsula. We make it as many as thirty-five troop transports, eight cruisers, twenty destroyers. They’re going slow. Can you tell me why that is?”
“Why what is?”
“Why they’re going slow.”
Harry said, “To avoid being early.”
“For what?”
“World War Two. Why do you think they’re going slow?”
“Something else has to happen to trigger their action and it hasn’t yet made it to the pitch.”
Harry said, “I quite agree. This armada in the Gulf of Siam doesn’t want to fire the first shot. They want to fire the second shot. So that some other armada that is sneaking up somewhere else can fire the first shot as a complete surprise.”
Bracken said, “That means another armada is sneaking up on a sleeping target.”
“It does. There aren’t many of those in the vast Pacific between the South China Sea and the Golden Gate Bridge.”
“No,” Bracken said. “There’s only Hawaii. Pearl Harbor. And all the ostriches and all the moles believe that to be preposterously preposterous.”
Harry said, “It’s enough to make you think we ourselves are the moles. Is that quite all?”
“For now. Your use of ‘quite’ in the British idiom is improving.”
“Please keep in touch.” And hung up.
The guard appeared again at Harry’s bedroom door with another document. Harry said, “More from the president?”
“No, sir. This one’s addressed to you.”
“Do you know if the president is awake?”
From behind the guard, the president said, “The president is awake.” And rolled himself in.
Harry said, “Good morning. I have a call from Bracken to discuss with you and I’ve read Winant’s memo. This is from Averell. It’s brief. Shall we read it together?”
The President said, “Good morning. Proceed.”
Harry read, “ ‘The President should be informed of Churchill’s belief that in the event of aggression by the Japanese it would be the policy of the British to postpone taking any action — even though this delay might involve some military sacrifice — until the President has taken such action as, under the circumstances, he considers best. Then Churchill will act’ … and he quotes Winston … ‘not within the hour, but within the minute. I am seeing him again tomorrow. Let me know if there is anything special you want me to ask.’ ”
“Is Harriman saying that if the Philippines are attacked, Churchill won’t declare war until we do?”
“That’s the inference I take.”
“But surely not if Singapore is attacked.”
“Surely not.”
Roosevelt said, “Do you think he will ever understand that I have to ask Congress for a declaration of war? That I can’t just tell you? Or him?”
“No.”
“What was on Bracken’s mind?”
“Zhukov has forced a Nazi retreat. He wanted to gloat. He predicted it. But he also had the news that Winant sent to you and we talked about that.”
Roosevelt said, “George woke me up with that good Russian news. Is Bracken making a prediction about the Japanese?”
“Not with his usual certainty, but he leans to the Hawaiian attack. He plays longshots.”
“Just like you.” Harry just smiled. The president said, “Do you believe Winston won’t fire the first shot against the Japs until they shoot at him? Won’t send his great battleship to sea to engage the Japanese armada?”
“Yes.”
Roosevelt said, “So, we both await being shot upon. I don’t mind. That’s who we are. It dignifies us and defines us. That’s America’s record and I won’t break it. And it’s what our people need so they will lay down their plows and their pencils and load their Winchesters. They need to feel the fury of victims of treachery. How are you feeling this fine morning?”
“I am thrilled to be alive and right beside you. That’s how I feel. As lucky as a man can be.”
“Yes. I’m sure heaven’s delightful, but I wouldn’t want to be watching all this from up there. I’ve got a letter to send to Emperor Hirohito today. Let’s have coffee with Sam and see what he’s got.”
Harry said, “Do you think the news from Russia will have an effect on the plans of the Emperor and his minions?”
“That’s an interesting thought. First of all, I suspect he’s more their minion than they are his. And second, I fear Tojo may be too far gone down the road to war to be affected by new information, no matter how important it may be to his ambitions. But if I were Tojo, I would think twice about attacking us while Uncle Joe is getting good traction on Hitler.”
“Me, too. But you’re not Tojo, and we are beset by many who seriously underestimate the belligerence of the Japanese.”
Roosevelt said, “Yes. But I wouldn’t mind having a little more belligerence in Congress.”
“Be careful what you wish for.”
*
The Nazi army went for safer ground all along the front, but there was none. The generals reported to Hitler in the Wolf’s Lair that the numbers they were facing were insuperable, that they must break ranks, retreat, and reform, or lose entire divisions. “Stand and fight! Die where you stand!” was the order in response, and stand and die they did.
In his madness, Hitler may have saved his army. Days later, when he found repose, Blumentritt wrote in his diary, “Hitler’s fanatical order that the troops must hold fast regardless in every position and in the most impossible circumstances was undoubtedly correct. Hitler realized instinctively that any retreat across the snow and ice must, within a few days, lead to the dissolution of the front and that if this happened the Wehrmacht would suffer the same fate that had befallen Napoleon’s army. The withdrawal could only be carried out across the open country since the roads and tracks were blocked with snow. After a few nights this would prove too much for the troops, who would simply lie down and die wherever they found themselves. There were no prepared positions in the rear into which they could be withdrawn, nor any sort of line in which they could hold on.”
As the pressure from Zhukov continued, something more than ground and lives was lost. On that day, the myth of Nazi invincibility was shattered, and myths, unlike vampires, have no second life.
*
The family and friends of Winston Churchill gathered early at Chequers that Saturday to celebrate the 24th birthday of Kathleen Harriman. As the celebration was embellished with the sudden good news of Hitler’s sudden bad news, a pervasive gaiety lightened the steps of the gathered, but not those of the host himself. It was clear to Winston that he was about to be attacked in Singapore by an immense Japanese army, and equally clear that America would do no more when the battle opened than hold his coat. Now, with Hitler staggered but not conquered in Russia, the prime minister thought it likely to assume the Nazi dictator would turn some of his attention in England’s direction. And still America would not be in the war.
Brendan Bracken, his Minister of Information, whose personal preference went to instinctual speculation over indisputable information, believed Tojo would not deny himself the Philippines with so much manpower and weaponry so close at hand to MacArthur’s smaller force, and that such an invasion would require Roosevelt to bring the matter to Congress for a declaration of war. But Bracken suspected — and, sadly, Harry Hopkins agreed — the president would not receive the resounding congressional vote that would be needed to unleash the full force of America’s mighty industries along with a war-ready population. Rather, Roosevelt would bring aid to MacArthur, but less, or nothing at all, to Singapore. These infernal American halves, Winston thought. Ambassador Winant was less optimistic than Harriman. Who wasn’t? And Beaverbrook was with Bracken and Winant in thinking another month or so would tip the balance in America to England’s favor. Another month or so? Maybe Vera Lynn could make a hymn to blind faith out of that one, but don’t count on His Majesty’s Prime Minister to join the chorus.
Foreign Minister Eden would be at dinner on Saturday and he and Winston would confer on Sunday before Eden entrained to Invergordon for the ship that would carry him to Russia for a conference with Stalin. They had Roosevelt’s memo on the American position of “no secret accords” plus an absolute unwillingness to discuss postwar settlements until the status of the war, which was still pre in America, became actually post. Two days before, Winston had asked his Defense Committee for a commitment of ten squadrons of fighter planes that Eden could carry to Stalin as proof of good faith. The committee refused to give Eden the guarantee privilege and Winston responded with a rage that was memorable even by his lofty standards.
And his weekend guests would wonder why he didn’t rise to their happiness.
*
Roosevelt’s letter to Hirohito would rank with the greatest of last-minute, desperate appeals from one protagonist to another, both poised at the precipice, though it was almost certainly a short field of contenders. It was brief but not curt, forthright but not condescending, assured but not pompous, and doomed by circumstances that neither the sender nor the receiver expected.
Roosevelt wrote,
“Your Majesty,
“Almost a century ago the President of the United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan a message extending an offer of friendship of the people of the United States to the people of Japan. That offer was accepted, and in the long period of unbroken peace and friendship which has followed, our respective nations, through the virtues of their peoples and the wisdom of their rulers have prospered and have substantially helped humanity.
“Only in situations of extraordinary importance to our two countries need I address to Your Majesty messages on matters of state. I feel I should now so address you because of the deep and far-reaching emergency which appears to be in formation.
“Developments are occurring in the Pacific area which threaten to deprive each of our nations and all humanity of the beneficial influence of the long peace between our two countries. These developments contain tragic possibilities.
“The people of the United States, believing in peace and in the right of nations to live and let live have eagerly watched the conversations between our two Governments during these past months. We have hoped for a termination of the present conflict between Japan and China. We have hoped that a peace of the Pacific could be consummated in such a way that nationalities of many diverse peoples could exist side by side without fear of invasion; that unbearable burdens of armaments could be lifted for them all; and that all peoples would resume commerce without discrimination against or in favor of any nation.
“I am certain that it will be clear to Your Majesty, as it is to me, that in seeking these great objectives both Japan and the United States should agree to eliminate any form of military threat. This seems essential to the attainment of high objectives.
“More than a year ago Your Majesty's Government concluded an agreement with the Vichy Government by which five or six thousand Japanese troops were permitted to enter into Northern French Indochina for the protection of Japanese troops which were operating against China further north. And this Spring and Summer the Vichy Government permitted further Japanese military forces to enter into Southern French Indochina for the common defense of French Indochina. I think I am correct in saying that no attack has been made upon Indochina, nor that any has been contemplated.
“During the past few weeks it has become clear to the world that Japanese military, naval and air forces have been sent to Southern Indochina in such large numbers as to create a reasonable doubt on the part of other nations that this continuing concentration in Indochina is not defensive in its character. Because these continuing concentrations in Indochina have reached such large proportions and because they extend now to the southeast and the southwest corners of that Peninsula, it is only reasonable that the people of the Philippines, of the hundreds of Islands of the East Indies, of Malaya and of Thailand itself are asking themselves whether these forces of Japan are preparing or intending to make attack in one or more of these many directions.
“I am sure that Your Majesty will understand that the fear of all these peoples is a legitimate fear in as much as it involves their peace and their national existence. I am sure that Your Majesty will understand why the people of the United States in such large numbers look askance at the establishment of military, naval and air bases manned and equipped so greatly as to constitute armed forces capable of measures of offense.
“It is clear that a continuance of such a situation is unthinkable. None of the peoples whom I have spoken of above can sit either indefinitely or permanently on a keg of dynamite.
“There is absolutely no thought on the part of the United States of invading Indochina if every Japanese soldier or sailor were to be withdrawn therefrom. I think that we can obtain the same assurance from the Governments of the East Indies, the Governments of Malaya and the Government of Thailand. I would even undertake to ask for the same assurance on the part of the Government of China. Thus, a withdrawal of the Japanese forces from Indochina would result in the assurance of peace throughout the whole of the South Pacific area.
“I address myself to Your Majesty at this moment in the fervent hope that Your Majesty may, as I am doing, give thought in this definite emergency to ways of dispelling the dark clouds. I am confident that both of us, for the sake of the peoples not only of our own great countries but for the sake of humanity in neighboring territories, have a sacred duty to restore traditional amity and prevent further death and destruction in the world.
“In friendship,
“Franklin D. Roosevelt”
On that Saturday in Washington, Sunday in Tokyo, the letter was cabled to America’s ambassador with instructions to deliver it personally to the emperor without waiting for the diplomatic copies that would arrive as soon as transmission circumstances would permit. At about the same time, Foreign Minister Togo dispatched an armed emissary to the Palace to instruct the staff that no international communications of any kind were to be received by the emperor until 5:00 p.m. Monday, no matter the sender. Roosevelt, Hopkins, and Sam Rosenman had no expectation of a good result from their thoughtful letter, but at least they expected it would be read before war was opened. It was not.
Next, Togo cabled to Nomura and Kurusu in Washington a response “of fourteen parts” to Hull’s summary proposal of ten days before. It was a statement of the irreparable rupture of relations between America and Japan. It carried instructions to deliver it promptly to Secretary Hull at 1:00 p.m. Sunday. It arrived on Saturday afternoon in Washington and the Japanese embassy, on short staff for the weekend, spun in a frenzy of translation, decoding, and typing, preparing the missive for the formality of its purpose. The transmission arrived with its numbered parts out of sequence and its fourteenth part, which surely was important, nowhere to be found.
Togo’s message was intercepted by the U. S. Navy station on Bainbridge Island across Seattle’s Elliott Bay. There, an experienced translator converted it quickly to English, but stalled at decoding it, so it was sent on to ONI in Washington where it would be met with no concern for converting it into a formal diplomatic document.